Housing

Stop Blaming Leftists for Liberal Bullshit

How Neoliberalism Masquerades as Pragmatism, and Why It’s Failing Everyone Except the Donors

If you want to see neoliberalism in action, look no further than Pomona. From homelessness to land use to public-private partnerships, the city’s policies are a case study in how neoliberalism masquerades as pragmatic governance. As Part 1 explained, the real snake isn’t liberalism but neoliberalism, a corporate-friendly ideology embraced by both Democrats and Republicans for decades. But thanks to slick political branding, liberals are taking the heat for policies that were never meant to help regular people in the first place.

Homelessness isn’t a failure of the system. It’s a feature. Pomona’s entire governance model is a masterclass in shifting responsibility away from the state and onto nonprofits, private contractors, and ultimately, the residents themselves. And just a few blocks north, Claremont offers a quieter version of the same playbook—one that hides its exclusions behind college-town charm and progressive aesthetics.

The Neoliberal Blueprint: From Homelessness to Land Use

Homelessness: Managing Symptoms, Not Causes

Pomona’s approach to homelessness mirrors neoliberal strategies at the national level: decentralize responsibility, privatize services, and make sure the state doesn’t have to foot the bill. The city leans heavily on regional partnerships, outsourcing key services to nonprofits and faith-based organizations like the Tri City Mental Health Center and the Pomona Continuum of Care Coalition.

These partnerships might make services look efficient, but they’re really just a way to manage homelessness without addressing its root causes. In 2023, Pomona’s Point-in-Time Homeless Count showed a 14 percent increase in unsheltered individuals, exposing the limits of these stopgap solutions. Meanwhile, affordable housing construction continues to lag, with the city falling short of its Regional Housing Needs Assessment targets for very low-income units.

It’s a familiar move: rebrand cuts and outsourcing as innovation while ignoring the structural causes like rent hikes, wage stagnation, and the commodification of housing. And it’s not just Pomona. Claremont has consistently failed to meet its affordable housing goals as well, despite having more money, more land per resident, and far fewer excuses. Where Pomona outsources services to underfunded nonprofits, Claremont keeps poverty out of sight altogether through restrictive zoning, token planning efforts, and the quiet preservation of exclusivity.

Land Use: Privatization and Profit Over People

Neoliberalism isn’t just about outsourcing services. It’s about reshaping cities to serve private interests. Pomona’s land use policies are a textbook example. The city has prioritized commercial developments—parking lots, strip malls, and luxury housing—over public spaces or affordable housing. Community spaces that could serve the public good are instead converted into profit-driven developments, fueling gentrification and displacement.

This isn’t just bad planning. It’s a deliberate strategy to maximize profits for developers and private interests, often at the expense of the very residents who need housing the most. By treating land as a commodity rather than a shared resource, Pomona’s policies reflect the logic of deregulation and speculation.

Claremont’s version is subtler but just as damaging. Its charm is built on decades of exclusionary zoning and aesthetic preservation that keeps dense or affordable housing from entering the market. That’s not an accident—it’s policy. While Pomona gets blamed for visible poverty, Claremont’s affluence depends on limiting who gets to live there in the first place.

Public-Private Partnerships: Outsourcing Accountability

Pomona’s reliance on public-private partnerships extends beyond homelessness services. Essential public functions like fire protection and animal control are increasingly managed through private contracts rather than directly by the city. While this might look like efficiency on paper, it’s really about offloading responsibility and reducing public accountability.

The City Manager’s role now centers on contract oversight rather than public service. It’s a management style that treats residents as customers and government as a business. The result is a patchwork of services, each with different standards, limited oversight, and no one to blame when things go wrong.

And again, Claremont is not exempt. It outsources sanitation, contracts out landscaping, and delegates housing policy through technical consultants and planning workshops designed more to check boxes than build equity. Even when it has the power to lead, it prefers to manage from a distance. Both cities rely on the same operating system. They just wear different skins.

The Influence of Private Interests in Local Politics

If you want to know who really runs Pomona, follow the money. Campaign contributions from developers, contractors, and business associations shape local elections and drive the city’s priorities. Time and again, decisions favor commercial projects and privatized services over public goods.

This isn’t just a local trend. It reflects the national pattern of corporate influence in politics, where elected officials are forced to choose between their constituents and their donors, and the donors usually win. These policies are then rebranded as centrist compromises, when in reality, they are market-driven decisions that offload risk onto the public.

In Claremont, campaign donations are less obvious but just as decisive. Political caution, donor class preferences, and homeowner associations act as quiet enforcers of the same agenda. Protect property values. Avoid controversy. Keep things the way they are. Even progressive candidates learn quickly which fights they’re allowed to pick.

The Consequences: Fighting the Wrong Battles

Blaming leftists—or liberals—for Pomona’s policy failures is exactly what the real culprits want. It keeps the conversation focused on tone, rhetoric, and personalities while the underlying system continues to funnel resources upward. The same people who rail against government waste are often the first to privatize public services into oblivion. And the same voices who mock social programs are perfectly fine with taxpayers funding bloated contracts for private firms.

Meanwhile, the people advocating for real solutions—affordable housing, living wages, and public services that aren’t siphoned off by middlemen—are dismissed as naive or unrealistic. That’s the hustle. Any demand for systemic change is labeled radical, while business as usual gets to parade around as common sense.

Name the Real Enemy

Pomona’s policies are not mistakes. They are predictable outcomes of a political system designed to offload risk, shrink public responsibility, and transfer wealth into private hands. Claremont plays the same game with different aesthetics. Both cities are symptoms of a broader crisis.

The first step to fixing it is naming it. This is neoliberal governance, not liberal failure. And until we call it what it is, the same cycle will repeat: nonprofits stretched thin, contractors cashing in, and cities treating their residents like liabilities instead of people.

But it doesn’t have to stay this way. We already know what works. Cities that invest directly in housing, pay people living wages, and provide services without middlemen are not utopias—they’re just places where policy follows need instead of donors. It takes will. It takes organizing. And yes, it takes the guts to stop pretending that tinkering around the edges will fix what’s broken at the core.

Real solutions exist. We don’t need more blueprints. We need the courage to build.

Because if we don’t, the billionaires won’t just keep laughing. They’ll keep winning.


REFERENCES

Foundational Texts on Neoliberalism
Wendy Brown — Undoing the Demos: Neoliberalism’s Stealth Revolution
David Harvey — A Brief History of Neoliberalism
Thomas Frank — Listen, Liberal: Or, What Ever Happened to the Party of the People?

A scathing look at how Democrats embraced meritocracy and markets while abandoning working-class politics.

Adolph Reed Jr. — “The Limits of Anti-Racism” (essay)

Argues that elite liberalism uses symbolic politics to dodge material redistribution.

Lester Spence — Knocking the Hustle: Against the Neoliberal Turn in Black Politics

Julian Lucas, is a photographer, a purveyor of books, and writer, but mostly a photographer. Don’t ever ask him to take photos of weddings or quinceaneras, or any other events because he will charge you a ton of money you couldn’t even make payments on.

Claremont Might Legalize Airbnb Rentals. Lets be Honest, the Ban Never Really Existed Anyway.

The Claremont City Council is set to vote tomorrow, Tuesday, April 22, on whether to lift the city’s so-called ban on short-term rentals.

If Claremont’s leadership was actually honest, we would understand the ban was never real.

According to the city’s own 2024 staff report, there are currently 81 short-term rentals operating in Claremont, despite the official ban prohibiting rentals under 30 days. Nearly 80 percent are entire homes, and 88 percent are single-family properties—meaning they’re not just spare bedrooms, they’re full residences pulled off the long-term market. All are operating illegally, and the city knows it.

Enforcement has been nearly nonexistent.Since 2020, only 23 properties have received citations, and just 38 code violation cases have been opened in total. That’s not meaningful enforcement, that’s a quiet shrug from a city unwilling to confront a problem it’s already surrendered to.

The city relies on complaints, not active monitoring. There is no dedicated enforcement division, and platforms like Airbnb don’t check legality before publishing a listing. If a host gets caught, the fine is just $100 to $500. That’s just slap on the wrist - it’s less than they make in a weekend.

So now, instead of cracking down, the city is preparing to legalize what has quietly become the norm.

The proposed ordinance would create a permitting process, require proof of primary residence, ban commercial events like weddings, and limit where short-term rentals can operate. It’s being sold as regulation but let’s be clear, it is a retroactive permission slip for people who broke the rules and got away with it.

And the cost? Housing.

Short-term rentals take away homes out of the long-term rental pool. They reduce available housing, inflate rents, and create a fake “market rate” shaped by tourism demand instead of local need. STRs turn stable neighborhoods into rotating hotels. They profit the few while displacing the many.

This vote isn’t just about zoning. It’s about whether Claremont continues to chip away at its livability, one Airbnb at a time.

IS ANYONE ON THE DAIS WILLING TO SAY THIS OUT LOUD?

Legalizing STRs is just another case of the city privatizing public interest under the banner of “efficiency.” It is housing policy through a utilitarian lens, which is typical for politicians. Instead of looking through the lens of morality, this particular housing policy prioritizes whoever can extract the most profit, not who needs a place to live. This is the same logic that gutted public transit, hollowed out social housing, and turned basic needs into speculative assets. Airbnb is just the latest mask on an old face: commodification in the guise of choice.

If we keep designing cities for tourists instead of residents, we’re not just getting priced out, we’re watching it happen in real time.

The meeting is tomorrow at 6:30 PM at 225 W. Second Street. Public comments are due by 3 PM at CityClerk@claremontca.gov.


Julian Lucas, is a photographer, a purveyor of books, and writer, but mostly a photographer. Don’t ever ask him to take photos of weddings or quinceaneras, or any other events because he will charge you a ton of money you couldn’t even make payments on.

"Affordable Housing" is it Only a Buzzword Used to Manipulate the People?

Illustration Aleutie

Illustration Aleutie

Text by Julian Lucas

I came across an interesting post on social media about a virtual zoom conversation. The question posed was, ”How can we make housing more affordable?”

To answer this question, we need to look at the statistics and consider our present-day circumstance.

The city of Los Angeles has been obtaining real estate for the last 240 years since the city was founded in 1781. In the state of California, public-owned properties amount to almost 9,000 properties, which include undeveloped land as well as mixed-use, commercial, residential single-family and multi-family land. In 2018, there were over 7000 publicly owned buildings, which largely appear to remain vacant.

There are other statistics to factor into the discussion. According to Curbed LA, in 2015, 58.5 percent of people in Los Angeles are paying more than what is considered an “affordable” amount—meaning that  more than 30 percent of their income goes toward their housing. So lets face it, Los Angeles is an unaffordable place to live. 

In the era of Covid-19, many are losing or have lost their jobs. Even though minimum wage has gone up to $15 an hour, will that be a sustainable amount of money to afford a 1-bedroom apartment with an average rental rate of $1500 per month? Probably not when food, utilities, and other expenses are factored in. 

 
HISTORY AND THE DISCONNECTION

If we stop for a moment and take a look at history, there was a time when people could live within their means, when apartments were affordable for people who didn’t make much money. Fast-forward to the present day, the middle class is now occupying those apartments and the people who don’t make much money are now homeless. 

Will the market solve that? The housing market won’t ever solve that, no matter how much housing you build. And many city leaders, and city leader advocates seem to be disconnected from both the equation and the fact that people are living in a place that someone else is trying to make a profit.

Can we add capitalism in that equation? Of course! And with capitalism there is racism and classism. There is a disconnection when the community fails to see the difference between community improvement and gentrification. Community cleanups don't cost the city money because the community volunteers to do so. It is often true that the community takes part in their own displacement because they fail to realize that they lack protections when the cost for rentals goes up after they have planted the trees and improved their neighborhood. 

 
Is Non-Discriminatory Public Housing the Solution to Counter Gentrification? 
We have to understand gentrification creates a level system. When rent rises, the individual, family, or families move down the ladder of economic stability. 

A solution to the problem is simple - non-discriminatory public housing. But leadership usually deems this solution impossible or too expensive. Section 8, the federal housing voucher program, is also a solution, however, section 8 has a failure rate, because it is difficult to locate a place that accepts a Section 8 voucher. However, if we allocate more land that is both publicly and privately owned for more public housing with rent-control, we could house more in need. This is an alternative to funding shelters.

Spike Lee’s “Do Right Thing” , 1989 Gentrification Rant

RACE & CLASS 
In the US, race and class have been defined by redlining. Historically, class was created on racial lines and most of the gentrifiers are white. We have to figure how we protect not only lower classes of people, but a diversity of races. 

The problem at present is acute when you consider the problem from the supply point of view. When the construction of new buildings on vacant lots, with an average price of a house takes double the income than the average person in Los Angeles County.

Building more housing, with the mindset of prices going down or reaching a state of plateau is not how housing works. Landlords market their apartments to make profit, and with market forces at work, this is not a pathway to make apartments affordable for middle, low income and very low-income people. 

As you are reading this, many of you will have come to the conclusion that I am against development. I’m not. Actually, it's the opposite, I am all for development as long as it benefits everyone, but right now, I am seeing the everyday person adversely affected by the way development is presently conducted. 

Links:
Curbed LA
Los Angeles Portfolio


Julian Lucas, is fine art photographer, photojournalist, and creative strategist. Julian also works as a housing specialist which, includes linking homeless veterans to housing. Julian has lived in Chicago, Inglewood, Portland, and the suburbs of Los Angeles County including Pomona.